But NATO’s “in together, and out together” pledge should have meant that our allies and partners were given a reasonable period of time to try to agree on withdrawal plans.Įven before this crisis, the European Union, led by France, has been calling for greater European “strategic autonomy.” That effort will only be magnified by the endgame in Afghanistan. should never cede veto power to other states over decisions affecting its own national security interests.

Even our closest allies, including the British, believe that the withdrawal decision was taken by Washington without proper consultations. Greater allied participation in Asian naval exercises and strong diplomatic support for Taiwan will be needed to avoid a Chinese miscalculation.įinally, trans-Atlantic political relations will need to be adjusted in response to the collapse of Afghanistan. In parallel, NATO should initiate a set of confidence-building and arms-control initiatives with Russia to present Moscow with a balanced approach, consistent with its long-standing commitment to the deterrence and engagement “twin pillars” of the 1967 Harmel Report.īy A. Trevor Thrall, Jordan B. Cohen and Michael KlareĪmerica needs help from its allies and partners, including NATO, to firm up deterrence in Asia. Bringing Ukraine and Georgia into the alliance will be under consideration, and at a minimum those militaries need further strengthening. In addition, Romania’s navy should be strengthened to begin offsetting Russia’s marked naval advantage in the Black Sea. It would also bring the number of BCTs in Europe back up to four - the level of the early Obama years. That move would reinforce the four NATO battlegroups deployed in the region. For example, Biden might deploy a brigade combat team, or BCT, on a persistent rotational basis in the Baltic states. force posture in the front-line Baltic and Black Sea regions. To regain credible deterrence, Biden should strengthen the U.S. Next, Russia cannot be allowed to misinterpret Biden’s withdrawal from Afghanistan as a lack of will to confront aggression in Europe. This initiative will ensure that our allies and partners remain fully engaged in ensuring that the original objectives of our collective efforts in Afghanistan and elsewhere are not forfeited. Prioritizing a new NATO counterterrorism operation should be a major pillar in NATO’s new strategic concept. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg has already warned the Taliban that the alliance will not allow international terrorists safe harbor, and the Taliban responded by executing an ISIS leader. turned the challenge of ensuring that Afghanistan did not again become a sanctuary for international terrorists over to NATO, so it should now institutionalize this counterterrorism campaign as a formally declared NATO operation, with command and control provided by the alliance’s integrated military command and political oversight directly by the North Atlantic Council in Brussels. has led an ad hoc global coalition to defeat ISIS, which has proven remarkably successful. Second, a new allied approach is needed to deal with international terrorism. The United States and its allies still retain considerable economic, diplomatic and military leverage, and should use it to set limits for Taliban behavior. Similarly, the viability of Taliban promises of inclusive government, amnesty and respect for women’s rights remain to be seen. Thus far the Taliban seem to be cooperating with the evacuation of non-Afghans, but tension could arise as the Aug. Those initiatives need to be fully coordinated with America’s European and Asian allies.įirst, the Taliban cannot be allowed to undermine the current multinational evacuation effort or to revert to the harsh practices of their previous rule without paying a painful price. The effort will need to start in Afghanistan but must be global in nature. Recovering from this crisis will not be easy and will require bold moves on multiple fronts.

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